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There are two big problems faced by the Arara today.
One of these is the recurrent situation of the indigenous
lands, with the lack of official definition concerning
the Cachoeira Seca do Iriri IT, designed to be contiguous
with the Arara IT, thereby allowing the reconstruction
of traditional processes of interaction with the subgroup
living there and ensuring the necessary spatial and environmental
support for the reproduction of the Arara way of life
in their own terms.
In 1994, after being appointed by
the Brazilian Anthropology Association, I fulfilled
a request from FUNAI to direct the new studies on the
definition of the Cachoeira Seca do Iriri indigenous
area, where the subgroup contacted in 1987 had its village.
Despite the enormous effort and involvement from the
Indians themselves and entities and representatives
of settlers and squatters, which allowed the construction
of an agreed and relatively consensual proposal for
defining the limits of the area, the process for regularizing
the area was not completed - for unknown but to my mind
dubious reasons.
The other problem is the rapid and
very often disruptive way in which the Indians' interactions
with the thousands of surrounding settlers are taking
place. Due to their small population, the relatively
rapid demographic growth and the increase in the influence
of Portuguese in daily life, Arara sociocultural reproduction
may already be fairly compromised.
Between 1987 and 1992 - even among
the younger men and the women, who have a more continuous
interaction with the staff of the FUNAI post - there
were few people who spoke Portuguese in a more fluent
fashion. From this time onwards, with the progressive
introduction of a school and teachers contracted by
the Xingu Prelature, children and adolescents started
to use Portuguese more intensively, to the point of
substituting the native language when speaking among
themselves. But in 1994, the older adult Indians were
still, with a few exceptions, almost completely monolingual.
Aggravating the situation, a number
of adult men, especially those who moved to the surveillance
post, began to look to the settlers - neighbours on
that border of the area - as a means of accessing the
material goods that FUNAI no longer supplied: in trade,
the Arara have very often abandoned their own activities
to work for the settlers. This ever more constant interaction
has also increased the influence of Protestant churches
- who already insinuated themselves into the community
some time ago via the surreptitious presence of a missionary
doubling as a linguist among the Indians of the surveillance
post. These events have started to show other deleterious
effects, such as the excessive and decontextualized
consumption of alcoholic drinks, which is foreign to
Arara traditions but common among the settlers in the
region. How long all this will remain limited to the
section of the population who, induced to live at the
surveillance post, is closer and subject to these perverting
influences is something that for now remains impossible
to tell. But the future reality of the Arara will certainly
depend on their capacity to interact without losing
the basic conditions for their own reproduction and
maintaining the central aspects of their way of life
and their view of the world.
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