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PRESENT SITUATION   
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PRESENT SITUATION
::01

Since the 1980s, the Asurini have formalized their relations with other Indians, through marriages and the resulting conviviality in their own village, of members of other indigenous groups of the region such as Arara, the Parakaña and the Kararaô (a Kayapó subgroup). Consequently, there has been an accelerated increase in the birth rate, with a significant increase in the infantile population. Before, not all of the woman could bear children. Today, all girls who have reached puberty have children. Before, they had children after reaching 20 years of age, after their second marriage or when there was a possibility of a polyandric marriage, with an older and a younger man. Today, the elder men are fathers, without sharing paternity with the younger men, as was the family pattern previously. Young couples have raised offspring with three or more children (6 to 7 children), similarly we have situations of an elder husband and a young wife with numerous offspring. The increase in the number of children and subsequent increase in domestic labor has not at the same time changed the volume and rhythm of female domestic activities such as agriculture, weaving, cooking, and ceramics.

One only notes the absence of young women in the maraká songs and dances and one also senses the lack of their well-made bodies decorated in geometric designs with genipapo dye. While before, the women spent a great deal of their time in artistic activities (decoration of the body and making of ceramics), today the young women are actively involved in procreation and, because of this, they marry with non-Asurini men, who are incorporated into the intimacy of the society and to the network of social and economic relations. In ritual, they are today substituted by women without children, or even by married women with one child. These situations are what are most adequate to the near total availability of women in performing ritual roles, during the period of their realization (three consecutive days). In 2001, the rituals continued to be realized with the same vigor and frequency.

In the last few decades, contacts between the Asurini and the white inhabitants of the banks of the Xingu have also become more frequent and tense, particularly in relation to the lumbermen who constantly invade the area. The Asurini have not retreated from these confrontations, demanding from the regional population that they not fish on their lands nor take out mahogany which is particularly abundant in the region.

Since the year 2000, the Little Sisters of Jesus have no longer worked with the Asurini. Today, besides FUNAI, the Asurini have received assistance from the Body Shop Foundation, through Amazoncoop, a cooperative created in order to develop self-sustainable projects among the indigenous peoples of the middle Xingu. Through the presence of these agencies, the Asurini have developed the commercialization of chestnuts and material goods, especially ceramics. At the same time, the population has become involved in projects of ecotourism, financed and administered by the Amazoncoop and Funai.

A new pattern of relationships, new discourses, a new demographic policy. The eternal maraká continues, in the meantime, to bring them together for the protection and guarantee of their new avá (people), the children. We thus see a society which is reorganizing, redistributing social roles among age groups, redefining patterns of biological and social reproduction. Up the present time, their lands provide the resources that they need and this will enable them to continue to reproduce their way of life with great vitality.


01
:: Asurini men in the ritual of toré.
Photo: Fabíola Silva, 2001.
Regina Polo Müller
Anthropologist and Professor at Unicamp
muller@iar.unicamp.br

Fabíola Andréa Silva
Museum of Archeology and Ethnology of the University of São Paulo (USP)
faandrea@usp.br

May, 2002
 
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