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These games or jests, as the Katukina
call them, oppose men and women of all ages, who fight
over sugarcane and papaya or attack each other with clay
and fire. The word vete refers to all these games,
but is always preceded by the fruit which is being disputed
or the substance being used to attack the other sex. Thus
tavata vete is translated as sugarcane game
and ti'i vete as fire game.
The decision to hold the games requires little
preparation. All that is needed is a large quantity
of sugarcane or papaya and the desire of people to take
part. There is no fixed date for realizing the games,
but they usually take place with higher frequency during
the summer period when moving about the
village becomes easier.
The game begins when a man takes a length of
sugarcane and passes it in front of a woman, dragging
it along the ground close to her feet. However, he does
not approach just any woman, but those who may be classified
as his pano (cross-cousins, potential wives).
The woman then responds to the provocation by starting
to fight with him for the sugarcane. Little by little
other women approach to help her and seeing their friend
in difficulty, other men also join him in the dispute.
Very often there is more than one group fighting over
the lengths of sugarcane: these groups are formed according
to generational criteria. Children form one group, including
girls who have not yet entered puberty. Young bachelors
and married youths play together, forming one or two
groups depending on the number of people taking part.
People frequently hurt themselves during the
games, especially the men. Women can strike them (and
do so) with all their force in order to wrest the sugarcane
or papaya from the mens clutches. At the end of
the games men retire with their clothes in shreds and
their backs and chests covered in bruises from the slaps
and punches thrown by the women. The men are never allowed
to take revenge. The only way they can injure women
is verbally.
Aggression verbal and physical
is central to the games, but it seems to exist merely
as a dissimulation to the seduction actually taking
place, since the punches and verbal abuse are accompanied
by erotic body contacts. As they wrestle over the sugarcane,
the bodies of men and women are practically glued to
each other the whole time.
Men never leave the games victorious. When the
women gain control over the sugarcane (or papaya) they
run to the older women who remain watching and hand
it over to them (preferably to their mothers). The dispute
then starts all over again with another length of sugarcane.
However, men never win a contest by handing the sugarcane
to older men. When the men gain control or a temporary
advantage in the game, they hurl more verbal abuse,
saying they are strong and pull the sugarcane violently,
sometimes dragging women with them as the latter try
to keep hold of the other end. If they are fighting
over a papaya, the men throw it from side to side between
themselves. The games end only when the women succeed
in capturing all the fruits held at the outset by the
men.
The fact that men never win the game may be
comprehended by analyzing the Katukina economy. The
distribution of all foods, not only meat, is controlled
by women. Men never offer meat or any other food to
other men.
In this sense, the games can be interpreted
as a representation of the pattern of cooperation that
organizes the exchange relations between men and women
in the village. As in production, men cooperate with
each other during the games. Women also make up a united
group, but the cooperation between them is centred on
distribution. A correction is therefore necessary here:
rather than winning, women succeed in forcing a draw,
re-establishing the equilibrium between the sexes and
consequently the community as a whole.
In addition to the symbolism of the economic
exchanges expressed in the games, it is possible to
note a strong sexual appeal in the explicit flirtation
and the furtive escape of couples to the forest during
or after the games. However, this does not mean that
these economic and sexual exchanges are equivalent.
There is rather a certain correlation between them.
Just as men and women should exchange produce and services
in order to live, so they should do the same in order
to procreate. In addition, the games subvert the pattern
of everyday behaviour among the Katukina. The restraint
in inter-personal relations gives way during the games
to an almost absolute licentiousness and it seems as
though the community is experiencing a collective ecstasy,
briefly revealing the dense network of mutual economic
and sexual relations between men and women. The Katukina
games highlight exchange, but not just an immediate
exchange between men and women, which underlies the
subsistence economy, but also a larger long-term exchange
which ensures the continuance of society itself.
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