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The settlement patterns of the Guaná or Chané
villages (oneó) changed over the years as a result
of the territorial limitation imposed on these groups
after the war with Paraguay. Before the war –
that we consider here as the “historical times"
– when there still was a large amount of territory
available, the distribution of the Guaná villages
was not different from what we might call the “classic”
pattern, described by Sanches Labrador (El Paraguai
Catolico: 275-276). This pattern combined – as
the first chroniclers in the 17th Century
indicated for the Guaná of the southern Chaco
– a well-developed agriculture with hunting, fishing
and, already in Brazil at that time, cattle and horse-raising
– which they learned to deal with during the long
period of their living together with the Mbayá-Guaicurú.
This settlement pattern – in which the villages
was established at a privileged point of the territory
– demanded an area of considerable size, given
that the gardens (cawané), belonging to the same
kin group (led by a “captain” or chief of
the extended family), were spread out over contiguous
“galley forests” over the years.
Villages
Historically, Guaná villages had, on the average,
from 30 to 40 houses (ovocuti) and, according to Sanches
Labrador, each house "[measured] from 16 to 20
yards in length by 8 in width" in which there lived
"[a] captain...together with his brothers and kin...[and]
each house has five doors". If we consider that
houses with these dimensions (15 x 7 meters at least)
sheltered 20-30 people (five domestic groups, delimited
by their “doors”), then we can estimate
the population of the villages in Êxiva to have
been between 600 to 1,200 people – numbers that,
as we saw in the previous item, were maintained in Brazil
until the first half of the 19th Century.
The domestic groups (consisting of husband, wife, children,
daughters’ husbands and, occasionally, slaves
from other indigenous groups, the so-called cauti) of
each house possessed contiguous areas for gardens. None
of the chroniclers, of the Chaco or Brazil, mentions
the dimensions of the Terena gardens in historical times
(that is, before the war with Paraguay). However, the
present-day Terena state that the “stump”
gardens of their grandfathers yielded, on the average,
six "tarefas" (an old land measure equal to
30 square "braças" or around 3,600
m²) per domestic group (that is, about 2.16 hectares).
This figure is totally compatible with the tools then
used by the Guaná for their agriculture –
which were much more developed than, for example, those
used by the Guarani, their southern neighbors and also
agriculturalists.
The choice of place for the establishment of the Guaná
villages should take into account the availability of
woods which were signs of suitable soil for the formation
of gardens and hunting, gathering, and fishing areas
(lakes or good-sized rivers), necessary for the dry
season (and the period between harvesting of cultivated
products). Alongside that, the territory of this group
had to have a good-sized area for cattle and horse-raising
(which is documented in many of the historical texts
on the Guaná in Brazil).
Given these criteria – and limitations imposed
by the ecological conditions of the Brazilian pre-Pantanal
–, the only region suitable for the establishment
of the Guaná villages would be the interfluve
of Miranda-Aquidauana-Taquari. Moreover, social limits
and physical barriers restricted the Guaná groups
to that region. To the south (at the headwaters of the
Miranda and Maracajú mountain) and to the east
(the so-called “fields of Vacaria”, beyond
Aquidauana), the limits to Guaná expansion were
represented, on the one hand, by the “Coroados”
(Ofayé-Xavante) Indians and, on the other, by
the Kaiowá-Guarani (interfluve of Brilhante-Dourados-Apa).
To the north, the barriers were the Pantanal and the
Guató Indians, historical enemies of the Guaná
– as various chroniclers (for example, Castelnau:
1949) and classic studies (like Metraux:1946) mention.
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