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Political relations - expressed in rituals,
in body painting and, principally, through an intense
factionalism - are based on a series of rights and duties
stipulated by kinship relations. They are also guided
by the contextual articulations of factions with the
diverse non-indigenous agents of contact present in
the region (the Indigenist Missionary Council, the Attorney
General of the Republic, the state government, the municipal
prefecture, the National Indian Foundation, the Baptist
Mission, etc). The Xerente factions - which are groups
of individuals (consanguineal and affinal kin) who give
their support to one (or more) indigenous leaders -
live in constant competition, seeking political dominion
of each one of the villages, as well as of communication
and articulation with the other non-Indian agents. This
dynamic generates divisions, increasing the number of
villages and chiefs, and, as a result, new political,
social, and cerimonial arrangements are formed. To get
an idea of this dynamic process, up until 1988, there
were nine Xerente villages. Today there are 33. However,
such alterations do not necessarily involve the rejection
of kinship ties, nor do they put in check the internal
unity of the group. The political roles with greater
authority are the chief, the shaman, and members of
the council of elders (wawes).
New forms of political leadership have been
gaining ground among the Xerente, such as coordinators
of associations and indigenous teachers. In political-institutional
terms, the Xerente had a councilman in the municipal
council of Tocantínia during the legislative
period from 1992 to 1996. Due to inexperience and local
anti-indigenous political pressures, there was a very
great distance between the elected councilman and the
Xerente, which led the group to temporarily discredit
this type of initiative. Nevertheless, in the municipal
elections of 1996, only a few more votes were needed
to elect two Xerente candidates as councilmen in Tocantínia.
The more than 600 Xerente voters (between men and women),
have a decisive importance in local party politics.
There are denunciations on the part of indigenous leaders
that the electoral process (voting and, especially,
the counting of votes) is manipulated to their detriment.
The non-Indian residents of Tocantínia show by
"jokes" that they are afraid that this municipality
- encrusted in Xerente territory - may become the "first
indigenous municipality of Brazil". The first direct
experience of the Xerente with indigenous associations
- the founding and operating of the Xerente Indigenous
Association (XIA) from 1992 to 1995 - relied on the
political assessment and direct economic support of
the local CIMI, in partnership with an NGO from Luxemburg,
the BRIDDERLECH DEELEN. In its nearly four years of
operation, the Association implemented a series of economic
projects that included all of the villages, which facilitated
the beginning of Xerente autonomy from the complicated
local network of political and economic relations. The
Association closed at the end of 1995. Various Xerente
leaders state that one of the principal motives for
the end of the XIA was also related to local political
pressures. From 1998 on, the Xerente - by then more
experienced in relation to this type of organizational
form - founded three new indigenous associations, each
of which brought together specific nuclei of villages
closest to each other in terms of political, cerimonial
and spatial relations.
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