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On the Upper Xingu, the villages are formed
by communal houses arranged on an oval-shaped perimeter,
around a central plaza of beaten ground. In the center
of this plaza, there is the so-called mens’ house. Besides
serving as a place for the men’s meetings, the building
also hides the sacred flutes, which are prohibited for
the women to see, and which for that reason are played
inside the house or at night on the plaza, when the
women have gone to sleep.
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The center of the Plaza is also the place where
the dead are buried, where the rituals are held, where
the ceremonial payments are made, where the chief receives
messengers from other groups and makes his speeches
to the local group; it is also there that the men hold
the wrestling matches (huka huka, described in the section
The long ritual of the Kwarup)
among members of different villages during all formal
meetings.
The houses are covered with sapé thatch. The
domestic group of each dwelling is generally comprised
of a nucleus of brothers and their respective families,
to which are added parallel cousins and occasional ascending
generation kin. The leader of this domestic group is
the so-called “owner of the house", who is responsible
for coordinating productive activities and other daily
tasks that involve the participation of the residents.
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Ideally, the residence rules prescribe that,
in the first years of marriage, the husband must reside
in the house of his wife’s parents, paying through his
services for the concession of their daughter. Once
this period has been fulfilled, in general the married
couple goes to live in the husband’s house of origin.
Exceptions to this rule include the “owners of the house",
the leader of the village or those already married with
another woman. In these situations, from the beginning
the woman goes to live in her husband’s house, and payment
is made in goods. Preferential marriage is, ideally,
between cross-cousins. The connection between the houses
is established through the alliances solidified by marriages
and the common support to the leader of the village.
The internal space of the house has no divisions,
except for the compartments where adolescents in puberty
seclusion stay, or married couples with newborn children
or widow/-ers in mourning. The formation of the person
on the Upper Xingu implies such periods of seclusion.
In the case of the men, they then systematically receive
teachings on the techniques of male labor and huka-huka
wrestling during their puberty seclusion. The more prolonged
the seclusion, the greater the social responsibilities
and leadership which must be assumed in the community.
In this period, sex should be avoided so that the young
man can become a good wrestler.
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At her first menstruation, the young girl is
put in seclusion, during which time she learns how to
perform female tasks in the preparation of food and
the manufacture of artwork. During her seclusion, which
customarily does not last more than a year, she does
not cut her hair and her bangs grow over her eyes. At
the end, she receives a new name and is considered an
adult, ready for marriage.
The political unit par excelence on the Upper
Xingu is the village, the leader of which acts as a
mediator and regulator of conflicts, who must demonstrate
generosity and capacity in maintaining the internal
harmony of the group. The power of the chief, which
is of a markedly peaceful nature, depends on the approval
of the group, above all the support of the leaders of
domestic groups. The chief’s political skill is expressed
through his words, his speeches and counsel presented
on the plaza. The rules of succession to the status
of leader of the village are flexible and customarily
generate much competition over the post.
The “owner of the house” is, in the final analysis,
the one who takes the initiative to build the house.
Ideally, his firstborn son should succeed him. The main
attributes of the owner of the house involve the transmission
of requests from the leader of the village to his domestic
group in relation to daily tasks, which he also coordinates.
Inside the house, the minimum unit, in spatial
terms, is a married couple with unmarried children;
the hammocks of this unit define distinct virtual territories,
centered around the hearth (which is opposed to the
communal fire used for the making of manioc bread, in
the center), and each family generally uses the same
housepost to tie up the inside ends of their hammocks.
The central space is set aside for circulation. There
are two doors, which open onto the major axis of the
house, one facing the plaza, the other facing the outside
of the village. It is near these doors that those who
need light to perform some activity sit, because the
inside of the houses is very dark.
Each house forms a unit of economic cooperation
which is relatively independent of the others, especially
in the case of female activities (in this regard, see
the item "productive activities.”)
At nightfall, after all activities have ceased, families
customarily stay at the doors of their houses, conversing,
mutually handling each other’s bodies (removing hair,
combing hair, removing lice etc.). The young men generally
paint and decorate themselves. The older men smoke and
chat in the men’s house. Early in the night, everyone
begins to retire and the nuclear families get together
around their respective hearths, where they eat the
last meal and after, go to sleep.
Due to their cultural specificities, life in
the village and the social organization of the other
peoples of the Park are presented on their respective
pages: Ikpeng, Kaiabi, Suyá e Yudjá.
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